By
Halford H. Fairchild, Ph.D.
Pitzer College
September 21, 2000
My name is Frantz Fanon. In less than an hour, I will be recognized as Emperor of the world. It is a title that I both crave and detest. My task, in the next 30 minutes, is to decide what to say as I address the world’s teeming billions and add to or alleviate their anxieties. I am not worried or nervous; I have planned for this day for as long as I can remember.
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My story begins with my naming. The name Frantz Fanon means nothing to all but a small handful of scholars who have studied the ancient struggles of African people to overcome slavery and colonization. Most within my new dominion can think only of today; or, at most, this life. And who can blame them? Earth’s teeming billions live hand-to-mouth existences where life and death seem to hang in the balance on a daily basis. Who cares about an Algerian psychiatrist who lived more than 500 years ago?
Frantz Fanon was my given name. It was an unusual name. It was a name that provoked ridicule among my schoolmates. It was a name of which I learned to feel ashamed. But I grew, and I learned.
My father, anticipating my question for many years, told me at the tender age of 7 years that I was named after a man who wrote the blueprint for African liberation. He told me, simply, "Be your name."
"Be your name." The words rang in my ears and reverberated through my soul. Who was Frantz Fanon?
After many years of deep study, complicated by the fact that the man lived more than half a millennium ago and his writings were contained in only the most obscure repositories of microchips that no one cared about, I developed a yearning to "Be my name."
To "be" Frantz Fanon was to be a revolutionary. And, of course, my father, a visionary, had planned from my conception to infuse me with this burning desire to ‘set afoot a new Black man’ as Fanon was known to say. And as a near contemporary of Fanon would say, "You cannot liberate the African without liberating everyone else." But how?
For more than a thousand years, since 1492 when the Europeans made first contact with the so-called "New World" and claimed it as their god-given property, White people have ruled the earth. And while we hold that there is nothing wrong with White people per se, the few who had acquired the power to rule the world had done so quite badly. World Wars in the early and mid 20th century, in the late 21st century, and in the early part of the last century, the 24th, wreaked havoc on people and the planet. Each war took a hundred years to recover from; billions of lives were lost through the senseless violence that has characterized European domination from the beginning.
What the bombs didn’t destroy, the nuclear contamination did.
But White rule also assaulted the earth in various and sundry ways: fouling the lakes and seas, destroying the rain forests, opening a continent-wide hole in the protective ozone layer. If only they had recognized and adopted that indigenous proverb of the Americas: We don’t inherit this Earth from our parents, we borrow it from our children. Instead, the dictates of Manifest Destiny were such that they stole the earth from their children.
I should hasten to add that the problem wasn’t with White people. It was with the White people who usurped power and control of the Earth’s resources for their personal and lustful profit. They built storehouses of wealth so that their tiny few would live luxurious lives with endless resources in perpetuity. Well, dear reader, perpetuity ends today.
My story is a story of a life time. My life time. In naming me, my father imbued me with the unquenchable thirst to "Be my name," to fulfill the revolutionary plan laid out so carefully by my namesake.
And so, I was properly educated about the nature of the world. I wasn’t fooled by the hypocrisy of "freedom" and "democracy" brandied about so recklessly by those who controlled the planet’s bountiful harvest. I learned that my people have been engaged in struggle, from the slavery of the 1500s to the forced unemployment and homelessness of the 2500s. My father gave me an empathy for the pain and suffering of the masses, even though we were, by any measure, quite well off.
My earliest memory of my ambition was to rule the military of the strongest nation on Earth, the United States of North America. This was a delusion, a fantasy, that somehow became reality.
Anything that can be conceived
Can be achieved
If we only believe
In the power
Of the collectivity
I have no doubt that it was my father who planted this ambition firmly in my conscious and unconscious as I developed the tools of literacy, criticism, and social activism. My resolve to lead our armed forces was emboldened by my initial training in the Combat Navy, it was strengthened in my years in officer training, but it was actively suppressed (or should I say, hidden) during my 25 years of playing the "good soldier" role for the ruling minority.
Oh yes. I am a revolutionary. But I had to keep my revolutionary yearnings to myself. To speak of revolution, of a truly new world order, would be to speak of death. My death. And I knew that I had to fulfill my destiny; I had to "Be my name."
The plan was simple, even if it did take 30 years to bring to fruition. The hardest part was being appointed Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the top officer in the U.S. military. My appointment, not at all coincidentally—in fact it was by design—was by the then President Frederick Douglass Jackson, the first Black president of the U.S. and a direct lineage descendant of a nearly forgotten freedom fighter by the name of Jesse Jackson. Jesse Jackson was a near contemporary of the Frantz Fanon of the 20th Century.
Within months of my appointment, the plan was launched. For the previous 200 years, Black men had peopled the U.S. military. Almost exclusively. And most of these were loyal to the White capitalists that I sought to overthrow. But by the time I was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, I had enough closet revolutionaries, in the right places, to secure complete control of the U.S. stock of thermonuclear weapons. And once doing so, it was a rather simple matter to announce, "It is a new day."
The next five years were difficult, and I pray that God will forgive me for the lives that were lost in the violence that ensued. Rebels within the military vowed to fight to the death to overturn this coup d’etat, and they did die. Urban and rural militias, long armed for the race war that they knew was coming, vowed to fight to the death. And they died too. I regret these deaths, and I regret that I do not know their numbers. Millions, certainly.
At long last, at this hour, we have silenced any meaningful opposition to my complete control of the world. They say that you can’t mess with Mother Nature, well, you can’t mess with thermonuclear weaponry either. As God is my witness, I would have used those weapons if needed, and I thank God that they were not. It was only this violence, or to put it more rightly, this threat of violence, that won our revolutionary struggle. But then, power concedes nothing without a demand.
And now, my time has come to address the world. I need not prepare my text, my life has been preparation enough.
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Ladies and Gentlemen of the press, members of Congress, Parliament, and the governments around the world, but most of all, to the citizens of the world, I greet you in peace.
Many of you fear me and fear what the future holds for our planet. As I speak, my representatives are assuming the seats of power in every country on the planet. The insurrections and resistance have been silenced, and I speak to you as your Emperor. But Emperor is a title that I both crave and resist. For no man should rule another.
Our struggle for this revolution, for this turning upside down the social, political and economic order, has been motivated by one thing only: to return the resources of the Earth to the people of the Earth. Our use of violence was an unavoidable tactic to wrest control of those who have usurped power and resources and the riches of the world to satisfy their own rapacious appetites and overblown egos. After all, it was they who mastered the art of violence in their misguided and morally bankrupt conquest of the world. The predecessors of this monopoly on the world’s resources resorted, too, to the psychological tactic of making animals out of those who were exploited, as if it were better to be a slave than to be free.
To those who have enjoyed fabulous wealth for the past 1000 years, I say to you that you are rich no more. Your bank accounts and assets are being seized as I speak, and you will join the rest of humanity in the common pursuit of the common good.
To those of you who have suffered from racism, poverty, homelessness, joblessness, ignorance, and death, I say to you that your suffering has come to an end. This world is a rich world, and there is enough to go around for everybody—more than enough—as long as the few don’t consume for the many.
Five percent of the world, those descendants of slave traders, plantation holders, and industrial factories, has controlled 90% of the wealth of the world. As I speak, that statement is past tense. The monopoly of wealth and resources is over.
This mal-distribution of resources was accomplished only through the use of violence or the threat of violence. That threat no longer exists as it is only I, and my Council, who control the mechanisms of violence. And I want to ensure you that we will practice war no more!
Tonight, as I speak, the rule of the multi-national corporations, whose wealth rose from the blood, sweat and tears of the teeming masses, is over. From this day forward, all CEOs, all Presidents and Vice Presidents, all Managers and Executives, all those who are under-worked and overpaid, will be compensated at the same rate as every other person who works and contributes to their family, community and world. You have had your day--your millennium--but that day is over.
The world’s wealth--and friends, it is inexhaustible—will be distributed equally to all. For those who have toiled throughout your lives and suffered from the indifference of the ruling capitalists and socialists, I say to you that your life will improve tomorrow. Epidemic diseases will be vigorously fought, human starvation is to be an anathema to an earlier obsolete age, and we will recognize homelessness and unemployment for what they are: the barbarous consequences of a world devoted to the accumulation of capital for the few.
The nation states, as you knew them, are to be dismantled. There will be no national boundaries, no passports, and no restrictions on the freedom of movement of any human being to any place on this planet.
There will be no more violence. When our transition is complete, and the revolution is finally finished, then we will mandate the destruction of all weapons, including our own, from the face of the earth. Every nuclear missile, every submarine, every military satellite, every tank, every rifle, every bomber, every fighter plane, every mine, every handgun, will be destroyed. The factories that have manufactured these weapons of human genocide will be destroyed. Every citizen who surrenders his weapons will be paid richly for them.
Our mission is to bring peace and prosperity to the world. And where there is no peace, there can be no prosperity. And where there are weapons of mass destruction, or of individual destruction, there can be no peace.
We will convert the prison-military-industrial complexes into complexes for restoring the integrity of our environment, for restoring the integrity of our schools, our hospitals, and our people. We will practice war no more!
We will challenge the isms that divide us: racism, sexism, heterosexism, classism. We do this by recognizing our common fate and our common destiny. The categories we use to divide us are social constructions and have no meaning outside of the collective fiction we have learned to believe as reality. But these fictions were only the perverse intellectual tools of the oppressors of human kind. We will re-educate ourselves to the true dignity and worth of every member of our species.
Our priorities are simple: the health, education, safety and welfare of every citizen of the world. This is my hope, this is my dream, this is my promise:
One Planet, One People, Please!
References
Banks, R. R., & Eberhardt, J. L. (1998). Social psychological processes and the legal bases of racial categorization. In J. L. Eberhardt & S. T. Fiske (Eds.), Confronting racism: The problem and the response. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.
Fanon, F. (1999). The wretched of the Earth. In M. Bulmer & J. Solomos (Eds.), Racism (pp. 116-120). New York: Oxford University Press.
Kiernan, V. (1999). Africa. In M. Bulmer & J. Solomos (Eds.), Racism (pp. 97-99). New York: Oxford University Press.
Mason, P. (1999). Patterns of dominance. In M. Bulmer & J. Solomos (Eds.), Racism (pp. 106-116). New York: Oxford University Press.
Smith, M. G. (1999). Ethnic and cultural pluralism in the British Caribbean. In M. Bulmer & J. Solomos (Eds.), Racism (pp. 99-106). New York: Oxford University Press.